All comments

    Luciana Ghiotto:

    Y el Artículo 16 del Código Civil chileno establece que: “Los bienes situados en Chile están sujetos a las leyes chilenas, aunque sus dueños sean extranjeros y no residan en Chile”.

    Thomas Williams:

    Utterly dishonest piece. As a lifelong environmentalist with a degree in economics I followed NAFTA unfold with horror. BUT saying NAFTA II is worse is a pure canard. It is marginally better. The ISDS segment is on the way out. Serious discussions are underway on rapid enforcement of labor and environmental standards.

    NAFTA !! ain’t much but it is better than NAFTA. Still sucks though and needs lots of work.

    Ramakrishna Venkatasamy:

    There has already been a huge historical mistake in believing in the goodwill of corporations and giving them too much latitude. We have reached a stage where corporations wish to govern the world, and hold politicians to ransom. We, as free citizens of the world cannot allow that.

    rick arnold:

    Excellent article. Because of the 34 Foreign Investment Protection Agrrements (FIPA) that Canadá has signed with mostly smaller and more economically vulnerable nations in the South that all contain ISDS, the title for this article could also read....”Liberals should consistenly fight trade deals that allow Canadian corporations sue other nations”.

    Giampietro Fraccari:

    Unfortunately very few people do things for the interest of all ,but we look always what is convincente to us as individual .
    We are also getting poor intellectually because we are incapable of seeing the irreversible damage that we are bringing upon us.

    Alan Adams:

    The article gives a good perspective and some information. However, I am always surprised to see Rafael Correa referred to as left wing when he has followed the Chicago school of economics toward a neoliberal extractivist policy. Correa built infrastructure, but did not invest in economic growth or stability. He sold resources and built nice things.

    Jacques Berthelot:

    Quel "partenariat économique entre partenaires égaux" quand le PIB par tête de l’UE28 était en 2016 15,3 fois supérieur à celui de toute l’Afrique; 29 000 euros contre 1 900 euros ? Lire "Vous avez dit LIBRE échange? L’Accord de Partenariat Economique Union européenne-Afrique de l’Ouest", L’Harmattan, juin 2018 (17,50 euros)

    Jumbi Kato Lobom :

    Your paper is really interesting and detailed I wish you had made an effort to study the geographical location of Pangsau - Pass.
    Pangsau - Pass is located in Changlang District of Arunachal Pradesh not in Mizoram.

    Cees Witsen:

    Thanks for keeping this in the public eye, please keep up the heat, I’m old but we need to defeat this for future Australian’s

    Craig Welch:

    Interesting. Membership of the CPTPP is not Kōno’s to give. There is a whole accession process, involving concensus of all members.

    Craig Welch:

    That should more correctly read "South Korea decides to *ask* if it can join the CPTPP". There is a process for accession.

    Jacques Berthelot:

    There are several inconsistencies in the assertions that "ESA and EU need to speed up negotiations towards a full and comprehensive EPA that meets regional integration ideals". It is stupefying to see that Comesa wants to negotiate a full EPA with the EU despite the opposition of civil society, including farmers and industries, of most SSA countries. However it is in line with the roadmap for the post-Cotonou agreement adopted by the ACPs on 30 May 2018 in Lomé to "derive greater trade benefits and the developmental gains on which the EPAs are premised". It is also in line with the EU support to the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and its willingness to negotiate the post-Cotonou agreement with the whole Africa, including North Africa, and no longer with the regional economic communities (RECs). As the AfCFTA has decided to delete 90% of tariffs in intra-Africa trade, this would reduce the customs duties of most SSA countries beyond the 80% reduction on imports from the EU foreseen in most EPAs, and the MFN clause of the interim EPAs (iEPAs) of Cameroon, Ivory Coast and Ghana will force them to reduce also by 90% their customs duties on imports from the EU instead of the 75% of their iEPAs. To negotiate a single post-Cotonou agreement for the whole of Africa together with a single EPA is clearly to put the cart before the horse with a too fast top-down process of continental integration when there should be a longlasting bottom up process of reinforcing during at least one generation a full political integration of each REC, including with a significant redistribution budget to offset the loss of competitiveness of many countries and enterprises, before trying to enlarge it to the whole of Africa. In that perspective the reluctance of Nigeria to sign the West Africa EPA and the AfCFTA should be viewed as a salutary warning.

    Another inconsistency in this text relate to the ESA geopolitical perimeter. The article speaks of 11 Members when the ESA Summit of July 2018 claimed to have 21 Members (after Tunisia and Somalia joined in 2018). The only implemented EPA of ESA Members concerns four countries since 2012: Madagascar, Mauritius, Seychelles and Zimbabwe. But 4 of the 5 EAC Members (Kenya, Uganda, Burundi, Uganda) belonging to Comesa are negotiating a regional EPA with the EU and even if the fifth EAC member, Tanzania, is a member of the 15 SADC States, it is not in the SADC-EU EPA of 6 States, of which Swaziland and Namibia are members (as in Comesa). The DR of Congo is also in the whole SADC (but not in the SADC-EU EPA consisting of 6 States) and in the Central Africa EPA that only Cameroon has been implementing since August 2014.

    Jacques Berthelot:

    Belle fresque de la perpétuation de l’impérialisme européen en Afrique sub-saharienne.Cependant une mise à jour des dernières relations UE-ASS est utile : 1) l’APE d’Afrique de l’Ouest (AO) n’a été que paraphé par les Chefs d’Etat en juillet 2014 mais trois (Gambie, Mauritanie et surtout Nigéria) ne l’ont pas signé et ce dernier a confirmé qu’il n’a pas l’intention de le faire à l’avenir. Par contre les APE intérimaires de Côte d’Ivoire et du Ghana sont mis en oeuvre depuis la fin 2016 et vont ruiner l’intégration régionale de l’AO. Lire "Vous avez dit LIBRE échange? L’Accord de ’Partenariat’ Economique Union européenne-Afrique de l’Ouest", L’Harmattan 2018 par Jacques Berthelot.


    Any contract with hidden provisions is eligible to be declared null and void under common law of contract. These phoney trade deals are not consistent with lawful, good faith customary practice. We have to demand that all trade deals conform to putting the public interest as the primary objective. That could be achieved if activist groups are willing to join Goal 16 of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals for 2030 - which seeks to overhaul dysfunctional institutional systems and achieve equal justice for all.

    Ashwin Thapa:

    Strange ,its disgusting,in our issue and in our Deserving Rights,for what the Businessman making the Business,its quite clear of Businessman conflict of Interest,..
    As we dont have any idea who are representing from our Community,for our Rights.
    We are thankful to DNP+ for the info, and it will be great do let us know what can be done to stop this,as far a i know is that we had to oppose against this,and how and which will be the proper way to oppose against it..

    Karnan T S:

    This article is a bit heavy on rhetoric itself. In India, groups have been complaining about cheap imports of synthetic rubber from Sri Lanka / cocunut imports from Sri Lanka etc creating issues for local producers. Same goes in Sri Lanka but the article gives no specifics. Its too much of a superficial critique than citing specific examples.

    chin sokvin:

    i need of my academic research

    Biche Jean Luc:

    Une brèche dans les perspectives d’une libération des échanges au seul profit des multinationales et des puissances économiques....Un peu d’espoir qui j’espère va inspirer les dirigeants africains pour davantage écouter la société civile et refuser les APE qui seraient une catastrophe pour les industries naissantes (par exemple au Nigéria) , pour l’agriculture vivrière (et la survie de nombre de paysans) et pour les recettes douanières qui sont une des conditions de l’action publique.

    Pierre DIDIER:

    I have desperately searched what kind of safety treatment is currently mandated by the EU for EU chickens. Who can help? Are EU treatments a total schield against listeria, salmonella and others?

    Pierre DIDIER:

    Just a few questions: imagine that, say, a Canadian investor invests in big infrastructure works (new airport, waste incinerator etc.), in Bulgaria, in competition with a local entrepreneur close to local highest level authorities. Do you think he will be able to operate his investment smoothly? When de facto expropriated , do you think he will be indemnified properly by local judiciairy courts?
    If the same investor invests in waste treatment in Sicilia in competition with mafia interests. Are you sure his probable de facto expropriation will be rewarded by all Sicilian judges?
    When Sorros made huge investments in top level education in Hungary but had to flee to Berlin, do you think the Hungarian judiciary would compensate him for this de facto expropriation?
    Barring for obvious past abuses, do’nt you think that ISDS has merits? Are you sure a careful drafting of the clause as in CETA does not merit consideration?

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